Hillary floats new excuse for role in Benghazi
by Aaron Klein
Evidence
belies claims about personal involvement, motive for attack
Published
excerpts of the Benghazi chapter in Hillary Clinton’s forthcoming book, “Hard
Choices,” contain misleading
statements about the deadly attack and the then-secretary of state’s personal
role in the decision-making process, WND has found.
Denying a personal role in the decision-making process regarding security
of the compound, Clinton writes that she did not see the cables requesting
additional security. She claims cables related to
the security at the compound were only addressed to her as a “procedural quirk”
and didn’t actually land on her desk.
Clinton
writes: “That’s not how it works. It shouldn’t. And it didn’t.”
However,
the Senate’s January 2014 report on the Benghazi attack reveals lawmakers found
that the Benghazi facility required
special waivers to be legally occupied, since it did not meet the minimum
official security standards set by the State Department. Some of the waivers
could only have been signed by Clinton herself.
Some
of the necessary waivers, the Senate affirmed, could have been issued at lower
levels within the State Department. However
“other departures, such as the co-location requirement, could only be approved
by the Secretary of State,” reads the Senate report.
The
“co-location” requirement refers to the unusual housing setup in Benghazi in
which intelligence and State Department personnel were kept in two separate
locations.
Clinton would have a lot of explaining to do if she signed waivers
allowing the facility to be legally occupied without reviewing the U.S. special
mission’s security posture. Further, the Senate found it was Clinton’s top
deputies, including officials known to be close to the Clintons, who were
responsible for some major denials of security at the compound.
In
one example, it was Undersecretary Patrick Kennedy who canceled the use in
Tripoli of a DC-3 aircraft that could have aided in the evacuation of the
Benghazi victims.
Kennedy also denied permission to build guard towers at the Benghazi
mission and approved the withdrawal of a Security Support Teams, or SST,
special U.S. forces specifically maintained for counterattacks on U.S.
embassies or threats against diplomatic personnel.
For some lawmakers, it defies logic that Clinton was not informed,
especially since she was known to have taken a particular interest in the
Benghazi facility. She reportedly called for
the compound to be converted into a permanent mission before a scheduled trip
to Libya in December 2012 that eventually was canceled.
Blame
Meanwhile,
according to Politico, in defending the White House’s claim that an anti-Islam
YouTube video provoked the attack, Clinton writes that the video also sparked a
protest at the U.S. Embassy in Cairo the same day.
However,
the Cairo protests were announced days
in advance as part of a movement to free the so-called blind sheikh,
Omar Abdel-Rahman, who is serving a life sentence in the U.S. for conspiracy in
the 1993 World Trade Center bombing.
Rahman’s
son, Abdallah Abdel Rahman, even went so far as to threaten to storm the U.S.
Embassy in Cairo and detain the employees inside.
In
fact, on the day of the Sept. 11, 2012, protests in Cairo, CNN’s Nic Robertson
interviewed the son of Rahman, who described
the protest as being about freeing his father. No Muhammad film was mentioned.
A big banner calling for Rahman’s release can be seen as Robertson walked to
the embassy protests. No such banners were seen in protest of the Muhammad
film.
Clinton,
however, writes that the New York Times later proved in an investigation the
Muhammad video was “indeed a factor” in what happened in Benghazi.
“There were scores of attackers that night, almost
certainly with differing motives,” she writes. “It is inaccurate to state that
every single one of them was influenced by this hateful video. It is equally
inaccurate to state that none of them were. Both assertions defy not only the
evidence but logic as well.”
Clinton
was referring to a Dec. 28, 2013, New York Times piece by David D. Kirkpatrick
titled “A Deadly Mix in Benghazi.”
Kirkpatrick claimed, for example, there was “no evidence that Al Qaeda or
other international terrorist groups had any role in the assault.”
That
claim is directly contradicted
by Kirkpatrick’s own previous reporting from Benghazi. An Oct. 29, 2012, New
York Times article co-authored by Kirkpatrick and titled “Libya Warnings Were
Plentiful, but Unspecific” documents “Al-Qaeda-leaning” Islamic extremist
training camps in the mountains near Benghazi.
Kirkpatrick’s
claim is also contradicted by a
Library of Congress report– released one month before the Benghazi attack
– which detailed that al-Qaida established a major base of operations in Libya
in the aftermath of the U.S.-NATO campaign that deposed Muammar Gadhafi and his
secular regime.
The
report documented that al-Qaida and affiliated organizations were establishing
terrorist training camps and pushing Taliban-style Islamic law in Libya while
the new, Western-backed Libyan government incorporated jihadists into its militias.
Fox News reported the U.S. mission in Benghazi convened an “emergency meeting”
in August 2012 to discuss al-Qaida training camps nearby.
Talking
points
In
the released excerpts, Clinton defended the actions of then-United Nations
Ambassador Susan Rice, who on Sunday, Sept. 16, 2012, infamously appeared on
five morning television programs to offer the official Obama administration
response to the Benghazi attack. In
nearly identical statements, Rice asserted that the attack was a spontaneous
protest in response to a “hateful video.”
Writes Clinton: “Susan stated what the
intelligence community believed, rightly or wrongly, at the time. That was the
best she or anyone could do. Every step of the way, whenever something new was
learned, it was quickly shared with Congress and the American people. There is
a difference between getting something wrong, and committing wrong. A big
difference that some have blurred to the point of casting those who made a
mistake as intentionally deceitful.”
Clinton’s
claim the intelligence community believed the attacks were a spontaneous
protest in response to a “hateful video” is called into question by numerous
revelations.
The U.S. immediately had surveillance video from the mission that showed
there was no popular protest at all on Sept. 11, 2012.
Gregory Hicks, the No. 2 U.S. official in Libya at the time of the
attack, testified that he knew immediately it was a terrorist attack, not a
protest turned violent. According to Hicks,
“everybody in the mission” believed it was an act of terror “from the get-go.”
The CIA’s station chief in Libya reportedly emailed his superiors on the
day of the attack that it was “not an escalation of anti-American protest.”
The claim of a popular protest also defies logic. Spontaneous protesters
do not show up with weapons, erect armed checkpoints surrounding the compound
and demonstrate insider knowledge of the facility while deploying
military-style tactics to storm the U.S. mission.
Nor do spontaneous protesters know the
exact location of a secretive CIA annex, including the specific coordinates of
the building that were likely utilized to launch precision mortar strikes. Spontaneous protesters are not thought to
be capable of mounting a fierce, hours-long gun battle with U.S. forces stationed
inside the annex.
Ironically,
Clinton writes that in the Benghazi affair there has been a “regrettable amount
of misinformation, speculation, and flat-out deceit by some in politics and the
media.”
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